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Papen and his allies were quickly marginalized by Hitler and he left the government after the Night of the Long Knives in , during which the Nazis killed some of his confidants.
Subsequently, Papen served as an ambassador of Germany in Vienna from to and in Ankara from to After the Second World War , Papen was indicted in the Nuremberg trials of war criminals before the International Military Tribunal but was acquitted of all charges.
In , a West German denazification court found Papen to have acted as a main culprit in crimes relating to the Nazi government.
Papen was given an eight-year hard labour prison sentence but he was released on appeal in Papen's memoirs were published in and , and he died in Papen was born into a wealthy and noble Roman Catholic family in Werl , Westphalia , the third child of Friedrich von Papen-Köningen — and his wife Anna Laura von Steffens — Papen was sent to a cadet school in Bensberg of his own volition at the age of 11 in His four years there were followed by three years of training at Prussian Main Military academy in Lichterfelde.
He was trained as a Herrenreiter "gentleman rider". Papen joined the German General Staff as a captain in March He married Martha von Boch-Galhau — on 3 May Papen's wife was the daughter of a wealthy Saarland industrialist whose dowry made him a very rich man.
He always believed in the superiority of the aristocracy over commoners. In early he travelled to Mexico to which he was also accredited and observed the Mexican Revolution.
During the First World War , he tried to buy weapons in the United States for his country, but the UK's blockade made shipping arms to Germany almost impossible.
Papen's activities were known to UK intelligence, which shared its information with the US government.
Papen remained involved in plots in the Americas. He served as an intermediary with Indian nationalists as well. In April , a US federal grand jury issued an indictment against Papen for a plot to explode Canada's Welland Canal ; he remained under indictment until he became Chancellor of Germany, at which time the charges were dropped.
As a Roman Catholic, Papen belonged to the Zentrum , the right of the center party that almost all German Catholics supported, but during the course of the war, the nationalist conservative Papen became estranged from his party.
On 11 April , Papen fought at Vimy Ridge , where his battalion was defeated with heavy losses by the Canadian Corps. After Vimy, Papen asked for a transfer to the Middle East, which was approved.
After the Turks signed an armistice with the Allies on 30 October , the German Asia Corps was ordered home, and Papen was in the mountains at Karapunar when he heard on 11 November that the war was over.
After leaving the German Army in the spring of , Papen purchased a country estate, the Haus Merfeld , living the life of a "gentleman farmer" in Dülmen.
Papen entered politics and joined the Centre Party , better known as the Zentrum. Papen's politics were much closer to the German National People's Party than to the Zentrum , and he seems to have belonged to the Zentrum on the account of his Roman Catholicism and a hope that he could shift his party to the right.
Papen was a member of the Landtag of Prussia from to and from to , representing a rural, Catholic constituency in Westphalia.
In March , Papen welcomed the coming of presidential government. On 1 June , Papen was suddenly lifted to supreme importance when president Hindenburg appointed him Chancellor.
Papen owed his appointment to the Chancellorship to General Kurt von Schleicher , an old friend from the pre-war General Staff and influential advisor of President Hindenburg.
Schleicher selected Papen because his conservative, aristocratic background and military career was satisfactory to Hindenburg and would create the groundwork for a possible Centre-Nazi coalition.
After he broke his pledge, Kaas branded him the " Ephialtes of the Centre Party"; Papen forestalled being expelled from the party by leaving it on 31 May The cabinet that Papen formed was known as the "cabinet of barons" or "cabinet of monocles".
The Centre Party would not support Papen because he had backstabbed Brüning. Papen consented on 31 May to Hitler's and Hindenburg's agreement of 30 May that the Nazi Party would tolerate Papen's government if fresh elections were called, the Sturmabteilung ban was canceled and the Nazis were granted access to the radio network.
In June and July Papen represented Germany at the Lausanne conference where, on 9 July, German reparation obligations were cancelled.
Through Article 48, Papen enacted economic policies on 4 September that cut the payments offered by the unemployment insurance fund, subjected jobless Germans seeking unemployment insurance to a means test, lowered wages including those reached by collective bargaining , while arranging tax cuts for corporations and the rich.
Negotiations between the Nazis, the Centre Party and Papen for a new Prussian government began on 8 June but broke down due to the Centre Party's hostility to the party deserter Papen.
Berlin was put on military shutdown and Papen sent men to arrest the SPD Prussian authorities, whom he accused with no evidence of being in league with the Communists.
Hereafter, Papen declared himself commissioner of Prussia by way of another emergency decree that he elicited from Hindenburg, further weakening the democracy of the Weimar Republic.
On 23 July, Papen had German representatives walk out of the World Disarmament Conference after the French delegation warned that allowing Germany Gleichberechtigung "equality of status" in armaments would lead to another world war.
Papen announced that the Reich would not return to the conference until the other powers agreed to consider his demand for Gleichberechtigung.
In the Reichstag election of 31 July the Nazis won the largest number of seats. To combat the rise in SA and SS political terrorism that began right after the elections, Papen on 9 August brought in via Article 48 a new law that drastically streamlined the judicial process in death penalty cases while limiting the right of appeal.
On 11 August, the public holiday of Constitution Day, which commemorated the adoption of the Weimar Constitution in , Papen and his Interior Minister Baron Wilhelm von Gayl called a press conference to announce plans for a new constitution that would, in effect, turn Germany into a dictatorship.
When the new Reichstag assembled on 12 September, Papen hoped to destroy the growing alliance between the Nazis and the Centre Party.
However, when no one objected, Papen placed the red folder containing the dissolution decree on Reichstag president Hermann Göring 's desk.
He demanded the floor in order to read it, but Göring pretended not to see him; the Nazis and the Centre Party had decided to support the Communist motion.
On 27 October, the Supreme Court of Germany issued a ruling that Papen's coup deposing the Prussian government was illegal, but allowed Papen to retain his control of Prussia.
In the November election the Nazis lost seats, but Papen was still unable to secure a Reichstag that could be counted on not to pass another vote of no-confidence in his government.
Instead, Hindenburg appointed Schleicher as chancellor. After his resignation, Papen regularly visited Hindenburg, missing no opportunity to attack Schleicher in these visits.
On 9 January , Papen and Hindenburg agreed to form a new government that would bring in Hitler. Hindenburg declined and Schleicher resigned at midday on 28 January.
Hindenburg formally gave Papen the task of forming a new government. The other eight posts were held by conservatives close to Papen. Additionally, as part of the deal that allowed Hitler to become Chancellor, Papen was granted the right to attend every meeting between Hitler and Hindenburg.
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Verbesserungsvorschläge und Ideen? Erzähl sie uns! Verbesserungen, Wünsche, Anregungen, Ideen? Bartley III tried to radicalise this idea and made the controversial claim that not only can criticism go beyond empirical knowledge, but that everything can be rationally criticised.
To Popper, who was an anti- justificationist , traditional philosophy is misled by the false principle of sufficient reason. He thinks that no assumption can ever be or needs ever to be justified, so a lack of justification is not a justification for doubt.
Instead, theories should be tested and scrutinised. It is not the goal to bless theories with claims of certainty or justification, but to eliminate errors in them.
He writes,. The Philosophy of Karl Popper , p. Popper's principle of falsifiability runs into prima facie difficulties when the epistemological status of mathematics is considered.
If they are not open to falsification they can not be scientific. If they are not scientific, it needs to be explained how they can be informative about real world objects and events.
Popper's solution  was an original contribution in the philosophy of mathematics. In one sense it is irrefutable and logically true , in the second sense it is factually true and falsifiable.
Popper considered historicism to be the theory that history develops inexorably and necessarily according to knowable general laws towards a determinate end.
He argued that this view is the principal theoretical presupposition underpinning most forms of authoritarianism and totalitarianism.
He argued that historicism is founded upon mistaken assumptions regarding the nature of scientific law and prediction. Since the growth of human knowledge is a causal factor in the evolution of human history, and since "no society can predict, scientifically, its own future states of knowledge",  it follows, he argued, that there can be no predictive science of human history.
For Popper, metaphysical and historical indeterminism go hand in hand. In his early years Popper was impressed by Marxism, whether of Communists or socialists.
An event that happened in had a profound effect on him: During a riot, caused by the Communists, the police shot several unarmed people, including some of Popper's friends, when they tried to free party comrades from prison.
However, he knew that the riot instigators were swayed by the Marxist doctrine that class struggle would produce vastly more dead men than the inevitable revolution brought about as quickly as possible, and so had no scruples to put the life of the rioters at risk to achieve their selfish goal of becoming the future leaders of the working class.
This was the start of his later criticism of historicism. In , Popper co-founded the Mont Pelerin Society , with Friedrich Hayek , Milton Friedman , Ludwig von Mises and others, although he did not fully agree with the think tank's charter and ideology.
Specifically, he unsuccessfully recommended that socialists should be invited to participate, and that emphasis should be put on a hierarchy of humanitarian values rather than advocacy of a free market as envisioned by classical liberalism.
Although Popper was an advocate of toleration, he also warned against unlimited tolerance. Unlimited tolerance must lead to the disappearance of tolerance.
If we extend unlimited tolerance even to those who are intolerant, if we are not prepared to defend a tolerant society against the onslaught of the intolerant, then the tolerant will be destroyed, and tolerance with them.
In this formulation, I do not imply, for instance, that we should always suppress the utterance of intolerant philosophies; as long as we can counter them by rational argument and keep them in check by public opinion, suppression would certainly be most unwise.
But we should claim the right to suppress them if necessary even by force; for it may easily turn out that they are not prepared to meet us on the level of rational argument, but begin by denouncing all argument; they may forbid their followers to listen to rational argument, because it is deceptive, and teach them to answer arguments by the use of their fists or pistols.
We should therefore claim, in the name of tolerance, the right not to tolerate the intolerant. We should claim that any movement preaching intolerance places itself outside the law, and we should consider incitement to intolerance and persecution as criminal, in the same way as we should consider incitement to murder, or to kidnapping, or to the revival of the slave trade, as criminal.
Popper criticized what he termed the "conspiracy theory of society," the view that powerful people or groups, godlike in their efficacy, are responsible for purposely bringing about all the ills of society.
This view cannot be right, Popper argued, because "nothing ever comes off exactly as intended. As early as , Popper wrote of the search for truth as "one of the strongest motives for scientific discovery.
Then came the semantic theory of truth formulated by the logician Alfred Tarski and published in Popper wrote of learning in of the consequences of Tarski's theory, to his intense joy.
The theory met critical objections to truth as correspondence and thereby rehabilitated it. The theory also seemed, in Popper's eyes, to support metaphysical realism and the regulative idea of a search for truth.
According to this theory, the conditions for the truth of a sentence as well as the sentences themselves are part of a metalanguage.
So, for example, the sentence "Snow is white" is true if and only if snow is white. Although many philosophers have interpreted, and continue to interpret, Tarski's theory as a deflationary theory , Popper refers to it as a theory in which "is true" is replaced with " corresponds to the facts ".
He bases this interpretation on the fact that examples such as the one described above refer to two things: assertions and the facts to which they refer.
He identifies Tarski's formulation of the truth conditions of sentences as the introduction of a "metalinguistic predicate" and distinguishes the following cases:.
The first case belongs to the metalanguage whereas the second is more likely to belong to the object language. Hence, "it is true that" possesses the logical status of a redundancy.
Upon this basis, along with that of the logical content of assertions where logical content is inversely proportional to probability , Popper went on to develop his important notion of verisimilitude or "truthlikeness".
The intuitive idea behind verisimilitude is that the assertions or hypotheses of scientific theories can be objectively measured with respect to the amount of truth and falsity that they imply.
And, in this way, one theory can be evaluated as more or less true than another on a quantitative basis which, Popper emphasises forcefully, has nothing to do with "subjective probabilities" or other merely "epistemic" considerations.
The simplest mathematical formulation that Popper gives of this concept can be found in the tenth chapter of Conjectures and Refutations. Here he defines it as:.
Popper's original attempt to define not just verisimilitude, but an actual measure of it, turned out to be inadequate. However, it inspired a wealth of new attempts.
Knowledge, for Popper, was objective, both in the sense that it is objectively true or truthlike , and also in the sense that knowledge has an ontological status i.
He proposed three worlds :  World One, being the physical world, or physical states; World Two, being the world of mind, or mental states, ideas and perceptions; and World Three, being the body of human knowledge expressed in its manifold forms, or the products of the Second World made manifest in the materials of the First World i.
World Three, he argued, was the product of individual human beings in exactly the same sense that an animal's path is the product of individual animals, and thus has an existence and is evolution independent of any individually known subjects.
The influence of World Three, in his view, on the individual human mind World Two is at least as strong as the influence of World One.
In other words, the knowledge held by a given individual mind owes at least as much to the total, accumulated, wealth of human knowledge made manifest, comparably to the world of direct experience.
As such, the growth of human knowledge could be said to be a function of the independent evolution of World Three. Many contemporary philosophers, such as Daniel Dennett, have not embraced Popper's Three World conjecture, mostly due to its resemblance to mind—body dualism.
The creation—evolution controversy in the United States raises the issue of whether creationistic ideas may be legitimately called science and whether evolution itself may be legitimately called science.
In the debate, both sides and even courts in their decisions have frequently invoked Popper's criterion of falsifiability see Daubert standard.
In this context, passages written by Popper are frequently quoted in which he speaks about such issues himself.
For example, he famously stated " Darwinism is not a testable scientific theory, but a metaphysical research program—a possible framework for testable scientific theories.
And yet, the theory is invaluable. I do not see how, without it, our knowledge could have grown as it has done since Darwin.
In trying to explain experiments with bacteria which become adapted to, say, penicillin , it is quite clear that we are greatly helped by the theory of natural selection.
Although it is metaphysical, it sheds much light upon very concrete and very practical researches. It allows us to study adaptation to a new environment such as a penicillin-infested environment in a rational way: it suggests the existence of a mechanism of adaptation, and it allows us even to study in detail the mechanism at work.
He also noted that theism , presented as explaining adaptation, "was worse than an open admission of failure, for it created the impression that an ultimate explanation had been reached".
When speaking here of Darwinism, I shall speak always of today's theory—that is Darwin's own theory of natural selection supported by the Mendelian theory of heredity , by the theory of the mutation and recombination of genes in a gene pool, and by the decoded genetic code.
This is an immensely impressive and powerful theory. The claim that it completely explains evolution is of course a bold claim, and very far from being established.
All scientific theories are conjectures, even those that have successfully passed many severe and varied tests. The Mendelian underpinning of modern Darwinism has been well tested, and so has the theory of evolution which says that all terrestrial life has evolved from a few primitive unicellular organisms, possibly even from one single organism.
In , regarding DNA and the origin of life he said:. What makes the origin of life and of the genetic code a disturbing riddle is this: the genetic code is without any biological function unless it is translated; that is, unless it leads to the synthesis of the proteins whose structure is laid down by the code.
But, as Monod points out, the machinery by which the cell at least the non-primitive cell, which is the only one we know translates the code "consists of at least fifty macromolecular components which are themselves coded in the DNA ".
Monod, ;  , . Thus the code can not be translated except by using certain products of its translation. This constitutes a really baffling circle; a vicious circle, it seems, for any attempt to form a model, or theory, of the genesis of the genetic code.
Thus we may be faced with the possibility that the origin of life like the origin of the universe becomes an impenetrable barrier to science, and a residue to all attempts to reduce biology to chemistry and physics.
He explained that the difficulty of testing had led some people to describe natural selection as a tautology , and that he too had in the past described the theory as "almost tautological", and had tried to explain how the theory could be untestable as is a tautology and yet of great scientific interest:.
My solution was that the doctrine of natural selection is a most successful metaphysical research programme. It raises detailed problems in many fields, and it tells us what we would expect of an acceptable solution of these problems.
I still believe that natural selection works in this way as a research programme. Nevertheless, I have changed my mind about the testability and logical status of the theory of natural selection; and I am glad to have an opportunity to make a recantation.
The theory of natural selection may be so formulated that it is far from tautological. In this case it is not only testable, but it turns out to be not strictly universally true.
There seem to be exceptions, as with so many biological theories; and considering the random character of the variations on which natural selection operates, the occurrence of exceptions is not surprising.
Thus not all phenomena of evolution are explained by natural selection alone. Yet in every particular case it is a challenging research program to show how far natural selection can possibly be held responsible for the evolution of a particular organ or behavioural program.
These frequently quoted passages are only a very small part of what Popper wrote on the issue of evolution, however, and give the wrong impression that he mainly discussed questions of its falsifiability.
Popper never invented this criterion to give justifiable use of words like science. In fact, Popper stresses at the beginning of Logic of Scientific Discovery that "the last thing I wish to do, however, is to advocate another dogma"  and that "what is to be called a 'science' and who is to be called a 'scientist' must always remain a matter of convention or decision.
I do not try to justify [the aims of science which I have in mind], however, by representing them as the true or the essential aims of science.
This would only distort the issue, and it would mean a relapse into positivist dogmatism. There is only one way, as far as I can see, of arguing rationally in support of my proposals.
This is to analyse their logical consequences: to point out their fertility—their power to elucidate the problems of the theory of knowledge.
Popper had his own sophisticated views on evolution  that go much beyond what the frequently-quoted passages say. Popper understood the universe as a creative entity that invents new things, including life, but without the necessity of something like a god, especially not one who is pulling strings from behind the curtain.
He said that evolution of the genotype must, as the creationists say, work in a goal-directed way  but disagreed with their view that it must necessarily be the hand of god that imposes these goals onto the stage of life.
Instead, he formulated the spearhead model of evolution , a version of genetic pluralism. According to this model, living organisms themselves have goals, and act according to these goals, each guided by a central control.
In its most sophisticated form, this is the brain of humans, but controls also exist in much less sophisticated ways for species of lower complexity, such as the amoeba.
This control organ plays a special role in evolution—it is the "spearhead of evolution". The goals bring the purpose into the world.
Mutations in the genes that determine the structure of the control may then cause drastic changes in behaviour, preferences and goals, without having an impact on the organism's phenotype.
Popper postulates that such purely behavioural changes are less likely to be lethal for the organism compared to drastic changes of the phenotype. Popper contrasts his views with the notion of the "hopeful monster" that has large phenotype mutations and calls it the "hopeful behavioural monster".
After behaviour has changed radically, small but quick changes of the phenotype follow to make the organism fitter to its changed goals.
This way it looks as if the phenotype were changing guided by some invisible hand, while it is merely natural selection working in combination with the new behaviour.
For example, according to this hypothesis, the eating habits of the giraffe must have changed before its elongated neck evolved.
Popper contrasted this view as "evolution from within" or "active Darwinism" the organism actively trying to discover new ways of life and being on a quest for conquering new ecological niches ,   with the naturalistic "evolution from without" which has the picture of a hostile environment only trying to kill the mostly passive organism, or perhaps segregate some of its groups.
Popper was a key figure encouraging patent lawyer Günter Wächtershäuser to publish his iron—sulfur world hypothesis on abiogenesis and his criticism of "soup" theory.
Raven when, in his Science, Religion, and the Future , , he calls this conflict 'a storm in a Victorian tea-cup'; though the force of this remark is perhaps a little impaired by the attention he pays to the vapours still emerging from the cup—to the Great Systems of Evolutionist Philosophy, produced by Bergson, Whitehead, Smuts, and others.
In his later work, however, when he had developed his own "spearhead model" and "active Darwinism" theories, Popper revised this view and found some validity in the controversy:.
I have to confess that this cup of tea has become, after all, my cup of tea; and with it I have to eat humble pie. Popper and John Eccles speculated on the problem of free will for many years, generally agreeing on an interactionist dualist theory of mind.
However, although Popper was a body-mind dualist, he did not think that the mind is a substance separate from the body : he thought that mental or psychological properties or aspects of people are distinct from physical ones.
When he gave the second Arthur Holly Compton Memorial Lecture in , Popper revisited the idea of quantum indeterminacy as a source of human freedom.
Eccles had suggested that "critically poised neurons" might be influenced by the mind to assist in a decision. Popper criticised Compton's idea of amplified quantum events affecting the decision.
He wrote:. The idea that the only alternative to determinism is just sheer chance was taken over by Schlick , together with many of his views on the subject, from Hume , who asserted that "the removal" of what he called "physical necessity" must always result in "the same thing with chance.
As objects must either be conjoin'd or not, I shall later argue against this important doctrine according to which the alternative to determinism is sheer chance.
Yet I must admit that the doctrine seems to hold good for the quantum-theoretical models which have been designed to explain, or at least to illustrate, the possibility of human freedom.
This seems to be the reason why these models are so very unsatisfactory. Hume's and Schlick's ontological thesis that there cannot exist anything intermediate between chance and determinism seems to me not only highly dogmatic not to say doctrinaire but clearly absurd; and it is understandable only on the assumption that they believed in a complete determinism in which chance has no status except as a symptom of our ignorance.
Popper called not for something between chance and necessity but for a combination of randomness and control to explain freedom, though not yet explicitly in two stages with random chance before the controlled decision, saying, "freedom is not just chance but, rather, the result of a subtle interplay between something almost random or haphazard, and something like a restrictive or selective control.
Then in his book with John Eccles, The Self and its Brain , Popper finally formulates the two-stage model in a temporal sequence.
And he compares free will to Darwinian evolution and natural selection:. New ideas have a striking similarity to genetic mutations. Now, let us look for a moment at genetic mutations.
Mutations are, it seems, brought about by quantum theoretical indeterminacy including radiation effects. Accordingly, they are also probabilistic and not in themselves originally selected or adequate, but on them there subsequently operates natural selection which eliminates inappropriate mutations.
Now we could conceive of a similar process with respect to new ideas and to free-will decisions, and similar things.
That is to say, a range of possibilities is brought about by a probabilistic and quantum mechanically characterised set of proposals, as it were—of possibilities brought forward by the brain.